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Psychosocial Predictors of Hypertension in Men and Women
Susan Levenstein, MD;
Margot W. Smith, DrPH;
George A. Kaplan, PhD
Arch Intern Med. 2001;161:1341-1346.
ABSTRACT
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Background Psychosocial stressors have been shown to predict hypertension in several
cohort studies; patterns of importance, sex differences, and interactions
with standard risk factors have not been fully characterized.
Methods Among 2357 adults in a population sample of Alameda County, California,
free of hypertension in 1974, 637 reported in 1994 having ever used antihypertensive
medication (27.9% of the men and 26.3% of the women). The effects of baseline
psychosocial, behavioral, and sociodemographic factors on the incidence of
treated hypertension were examined using multiple logistic regression.
Results Low education, African American race, low occupational prestige, worry
about job stability, feeling less than very good at one's job, social alienation,
and depressive symptoms each had significant (P<.05)
age-adjusted associations with incident hypertension. Associations were weakened
by adjustment for body mass index, alcohol consumption, smoking status, and
leisure time physical activity, especially the associations of anomy and depression,
which persisted in women but not in men. In multivariate models, job insecurity
(odds ratio, 1.6), unemployment (odds ratio, 2.7), and low self-reported job
performance (odds ratio, 2.1) remained independent predictors of hypertension
in men, whereas low-status work (odds ratio, 1.3) was an independent predictor
of hypertension in women.
Conclusions In the general population, low occupational status and performance and
the threat or reality of unemployment increase the likelihood of developing
hypertension, especially among men, independent of demographic and behavioral
risk factors. Psychological distress and social alienation may also increase
hypertension incidence, especially in women, chiefly through an association
with health risk behaviors.
INTRODUCTION
LABORATORY STRESSORS and real-life difficulties such as job strain1-2 and job dissatisfaction3
can lead to elevations in blood pressure, and stress or distress have been
reported in some4-7
but not all8 cohorts to predict the subsequent
incidence of sustained hypertension. However, the relative importance of various
types of psychosocial factors in the general population remains largely undefined;
sex differences in patterns of predictors have been little studied; and interactions
with standard hypertension risk factors have not been fully characterized.
The Alameda County Study, a longitudinal investigation of behavioral,
social, psychological, and economic influences on health, provided the opportunity
to examine the effects of a variety of psychosocial factors on the development
of hypertension in men and women in the general population over many years
of follow-up. The breadth of the information available on these subjects also
permitted evaluation of the confounding and mediating roles of most known
sociodemographic and behavioral risk factors for hypertension.
PARTICIPANTS AND METHODS
At its first survey in 1965, the Alameda County Study distributed 8038
questionnaires to a stratified random sample of the adult inhabitants of a
single county in California and obtained completed questionnaires from 6928
individuals (3158 men and 3770 women). In 1974, 4864 of these panel members
completed a similar second questionnaire (85% of located respondents), of
whom 2730 (93% of located respondents, 79% of the subjects not known to be
dead) completed a third questionnaire in 1994. Details of sampling and follow-up
methods have been reported elsewhere.9
In the 1960s, hypertension was diagnosed in relatively few Americans,10 but by the early 1970s, the number of Americans receiving
antihypertensive treatment had doubled,10 meaning
that a higher proportion of what we would now consider the hypertensive population
was receiving treatment. Because underdiagnosis is more widespread among minority
groups,11-12 this shift could
lead to artifactual associations of hypertension incidence between 1965 and
1974 with race or socioeconomic status. Hypertension incidence is therefore
analyzed herein for the 1974-1994 period, when the problem of differential
ascertainment is expected to be somewhat less severe.
Respondents were asked the following question in 1965 and 1974 regarding
current "high blood pressure or hypertension": "Here is a list of medical
conditions that usually last for some time. Have you had any of these conditions
during the past 12 months?" In 1994, the wording was different: " . . . Have
you ever had any of these conditions? Have you ever
taken medicines prescribed for it?" Excluding subjects who had reported hypertension
in 1965 or 1974, those who had ever taken prescribed antihypertensive medications
by 1994 were considered to have incident hypertension.
Two potential psychological predictors of hypertension were examined
in the 1974 questionnaire: the 18-item Alameda County Study depression scale13 and McCloskey and Schaar's 9-item scale measuring
"anomy," the psychological equivalent of the sociological concept of anomie,
social discontent, or alienation; a typical item is, "The trouble with the
world today is that most people really don't believe in anything."14 Several work-related stressors were studied: current
unemployment, worry about being able to keep one's present job, feeling only
average or not very good at "the kind of work you usually do," and having
a low-status job (clerical, sales, or blue collar, as opposed to white collar,
professional, or managerial). Education was recorded in years of schooling,
and race/ethnicity was classified as white, African American, or other.
Nonpsychosocial hypertension risk factors assessed in 1974 were body
mass index (calculated as weight in kilograms divided by the square of height
in meters), smoking status, alcohol use in drinks per month, and leisure time
physical activity rated on a scale of 0 to 16. Having had a "medical checkup"
during the 2 years before the follow-up survey was also included in the adjustment
variables to control for diagnostic bias related to health care access or
use.
In a preliminary phase, univariate analyses were performed on a broad
range of variables against hypertension incidence between 1965 and 1974 to
generate hypotheses for testing in 1974-1994. This screened out a series of
psychosocial factors that were not associated with hypertension during the
earlier time period: difficulty relaxing, overall life or job dissatisfaction,
lack of sleep, low per capita household income, subjective financial strain,
household crowding, problems with dependent children, marital strain, and
weak social connections.
Logistic regression analysis (SAS software package; SAS Institute, Cary,
NC) was used to determine the associations of 1974 variables with development
of hypertension by 1994, both in the entire study population and in men and
women separately. The univariate age-adjusted association of each variable
with incident hypertension was determined first. Psychosocial factors that
were significantly associated in men, women, or the sample as a whole were
then examined with adjustment for the set of behavioral risk factors. Finally,
all individually associated variables were entered into a single multivariate
model to determine the independence of the predictors in fully adjusted analyses.
Age, body mass index, physical activity, alcohol consumption, anomy,
and depression were treated as continuous variables. Dummy variables were
used for education (high school diploma, 9-11 years of schooling, and <9
years of schooling vs any college attendance), smoking (ex-smoker and <1-pack,
1-pack, and >1-pack-per-day smokers vs never-smokers), unemployment (unemployed
and not in the labor force [including homemakers] vs currently employed),
race (African American and other nonwhite vs white), and job status (low-status
job and not in the labor force vs higher-status job).
RESULTS
Of the 2357 respondents to the 1974 survey who provided information
regarding hypertension on the 1994 questionnaire, 637 (27.1%) reported having
ever taken prescription medications for hypertension, 349 (26.3%) of 1326
women and 288 (27.9%) of 1031 men. All the psychosocial factors studied, except
unemployment, were significant predictors of incident hypertension in age-adjusted
analyses for the entire population. In sex-specific analyses, unemployment,
worry about losing one's job, and feeling less than very good at doing one's
job were predictors only in men; anomy and depressive symptoms were predictors
only in women; and low education, African American race, and low occupational
status were predictors in both sexes (Table
1).
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Table 1. Predictors of Incident Treated Hypertension in the Alameda
County Study*
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Health risk behaviors and detection bias might have accounted in part
for these associations, since high body mass index, smoking, low leisure time
physical activity, and medical checkups were all associated with incident
treated hypertension (Table 1). Adjustment for these factors reduced all the associations (Table 2), and only African American race, low-status job, and low
job security remained significant predictors among the population as a whole.
When adjusted analyses were performed in men and women separately, there was
now no overlap between sexes: anomy, depression, and low-status work were
significant predictors of hypertension only in women, while job insecurity,
unemployment, and subjectively inadequate job performance were significant
predictors only in men (Table 2).
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Table 2. Psychosocial Predictors of Incident Treated Hypertension in
the Alameda County Study, Adjusted for Nonpsychosocial Risk Factors*
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To determine whether the association of work-related stressors with
hypertension was due to confounding by socioeconomic status, a series of models
were built that included education in addition to health risk behaviors. All
3 stressors—worry about job insecurity (odds ratio [OR], 1.3; 95% confidence
interval [CI], 1.0-1.7), having a low-status occupation (OR, 1.3; 95% CI,
1.0-1.7), and feeling less than very good at doing one's work (OR 1.4; 95%
CI, 1.0-2.1)—remained significant predictors in these models.
In all-inclusive multivariate analyses (Table 3), African American race, job insecurity, and low-status
work were retained in the all-subject model. When the model was limited to
women, low-status work was the only independent psychosocial predictor of
hypertension; in men, job insecurity, unemployment, inadequate job performance,
and African American race were independent predictors (Table 3). Age, body mass index, smoking status, and medical care
remained associated with hypertension in both sexes, whereas lack of exercise
was associated only in women.
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Table 3. Predictors of Incident Treated Hypertension in the Almeda
County Study: All-Inclusive Multivariate Model*
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Repetition of the major analyses using hypertension rather than antihypertensive
medication as the end point produced similar results (data not shown).
COMMENT
In these analyses of a longitudinally followed population sample, several
measures of life stress predicted the incidence of treated hypertension during
the subsequent 20 years, especially in men. The patterns of psychosocial predictors
were different in the 2 sexes, with work-related stressors being more prominent
in men and subjective psychological distress being more prominent in women.
In multivariate models with all potential hypertension risk factors, including
education and ethnicity (the only important risk factors missing from the
Alameda County Study are salt intake and family history), several work-related
stressors proved to be independent predictors of hypertension.
Two measures of subjective distress, depression and social alienation,
were significantly associated with incident hypertension in age-adjusted univariate
analyses. When behavioral risk factors were taken into account, these associations
remained significant only in women, however, and subjective distress dropped
entirely out of the fully adjusted multivariate models.
These results are consistent with prospective associations between psychosocial
factors and hypertension reported by previous investigators. In the Normative
Aging Study, there was a significant negative association between emotional
stability and the incidence of hypertension in a male population, controlling
for baseline blood pressure, education, and alcohol consumption.4
Adjustment was not made for the ethnic and behavioral factors, which accounted
for most of the association of psychological distress with hypertension in
our data.
Analyses from the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey I
Epidemiologic Follow-up Study found anxiety and depression to predict later
incidence of hypertension and especially of prescription treatment for hypertension.5 This association persisted in African Americans and
older whites after adjustment for education, cigarette smoking, body mass
index, alcohol use, and baseline systolic blood pressure; leisure time physical
activity was not associated with hypertension in this population.
Anxiety was predictive of hypertension over an 18- to 20-year period
in the Framingham Study, but only in middle-aged men, with no association
in women or older men.6 The association persisted
after adjustment for smoking and for initial systolic blood pressure; education,
alcohol use, relative weight, and glucose tolerance were not associated with
incident hypertension in this population, and physical activity was not examined.
The psychosocial stressors most predictive of hypertension in the Alameda
County Study were low-status work, unemployment, and concern about possible
job loss. Those associations were robust enough to persist after adjustment
for a broad range of behavioral and sociodemographic risk factors. Job strain,
the combination of high demands at work with low decision latitude or control,
has been associated with higher ambulatory blood pressure in both cross-sectional
and prospective studies,1-2,15-16
as have other work-related stress indicators in some3
but not all17 studies. Blood pressure elevation
in the unemployed population has been reported to be related to suppressed
anger18; in at least one study,19
however, the threat of layoff was not associated with elevated blood pressure
despite subjects' reporting considerable distress.
Differential distribution of behavioral risk factors accounted for much
of the association between psychosocial factors and incident hypertension
in the present analyses. In particular, a higher incidence of hypertension
in subjects with low education or with high levels of social alienation or
depressive symptoms was largely related to smoking, obesity, and a sedentary
lifestyle, and disappeared entirely when a full set of sociodemographic factors
were taken into consideration as well. The excess hypertensive risk related
to psychological distress is thus chiefly mediated by increases in health
risk behaviors in distressed individuals or due to confounding by low socioeconomic
status and African American race.
Not all of the hypertension-promoting effect of life stress could be
explained by behavioral and sociodemographic factors, however, leaving a role
for psychophysiologic pathways related to cardiovascular reactivity, such
as persistent sympathetic activation,2, 20
breath holding,21 and stimulation of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal
axis.22
Psychosocial stressors, especially job-related stressors, predicted
hypertension more strongly in men than in women in these data as in those
of other investigators,6 despite a similar
overall incidence of hypertension by sex; only 1 work-related stressor, having
a low-status job, was a more important predictor in women than in men. Indicators
of subjective distress and low educational attainment, on the other hand,
were more predictive of hypertension in women than in men. The greater impact
of stress on the development of hypertension in men compared with women may
be related to sex differences in cardiovascular stress reactivity.23-24 It may also be conjectured that the
threat or reality of unemployment could be particularly devastating for men,
for psychological and/or practical reasons.
There have been hints in the literature of such differential risk factor
patterns, ie, men appearing more sensitive to work-related threats to their
autonomy, and women to difficulties in relationships with family and friends.25 The association between job strain and raised ambulatory
blood pressure has been found chiefly in men,2
although job strain was associated with gestational hypertension in one study.16
Because of the limitations of the Alameda County Study data set, these
analyses addressed only treated hypertension, not measured blood pressure,
as an end point. An attempt was made to correct for the inability to include
undiagnosed blood pressure elevations by controlling for recourse to medical
care ("checkups") during the period before the follow-up survey. Hypertension
diagnosis and awareness also significantly increased during the period of
this study, due in large part to the efforts of the National High Blood Pressure
Education Program,26 and diagnostic criteria
evolved. Reassuringly, it can be estimated that by 1994 more than 80% of Americans
with blood pressure of 165/90 mm Hg or higher on random screens reported having
received treatment at some time.11 One review
of studies of blood pressure and stressor exposure found associations to be,
if anything, stronger in the studies based on objective blood pressure measurements
than in those based on self-report,27 suggesting
that using the end point of self-reported hypertension treatment does not
induce bias in favor of associations (perhaps because subjects with high cardiovascular
reactivity may be overdiagnosed in screening situations). Caution is suggested
by the National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey I Epidemiologic Follow-up
Study, however, which examined both end points: anxiety and depression were
slightly more strongly associated with treated hypertension than with the
combined end point of elevated measured blood pressure and antihypertensive
treatment.5
Selective memory by patients and differences in physicians' decision
to treat according to psychosocial characteristics could also have had an
unmeasured effect on our results.
Differential access to medical care is of great importance in socioeconomic
patterns of hypertensive disease in the United States. In this study of psychosocial
predictors of hypertension we were able to control to some extent for access
to care. Various reasons underlying undertreatment, including lack of insurance
coverage (reported by 5.4% of Almeda County Study subjects in 1974), act indirectly
through the final common pathway of poor access to health care.
It should be noted that the present analyses are of necessity limited
to the association of psychosocial factors with hypertension incidence. These
factors might actually have an impact on the pathologic factors related to
hypertension above and beyond affecting the onset of the condition, due to
associations with adherence to therapy—especially when more expensive
drugs are prescribed.
Censoring is potentially an important issue in a lengthy follow-up study
such as this one, where a single questionnaire after 20 years is used for
case ascertainment. Because many of the subjects with the most severe incident
hypertension will have died from complications such as coronary heart disease
or stroke, we are to some extent studying a population of survivors. The rates
of incident hypertension reported in these analyses are therefore likely to
underestimate the true incidence rates. There is no obvious reason, however,
to expect differential death rates in hypertensive persons according to psychosocial
characteristics, so this limitation should introduce no systematic bias.
In conclusion, psychosocial stressors at baseline increase the 20-year
risk of developing hypertension in the general population, particularly in
men. An association of hypertension with global distress (social alienation
and depression) is found only in women, and is largely accounted for by patterns
of health risk behaviors. Work-related stressors (in women, low-status job;
in men, concerns about job performance and the threat or reality of unemployment)
predict incident hypertension independent of a wide range of potential behavioral
and sociodemographic risk factors.
AUTHOR INFORMATION
Accepted for publication December 4, 2000.
This work was supported in part by grants AG 13199 and AG 11375 from
the National Institute on Aging, Bethesda, Md.
Corresponding author: Susan Levenstein, MD, Via del Tempio 1A, 00186
Rome, Italy (e-mail: slevenstein{at}compuserve.com).
From the Human Population Laboratory, Berkeley, Calif (Drs Levenstein
and Smith), and the Department of Epidemiology, University of Michigan, Ann
Arbor (Dr Kaplan).
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